Central government reconfirms its plenary powers over HK
中央強調全面管治 香港情勢未見好轉
文章日期:2017年6月30日

雙語社評齊齊聽

英語 (足本收聽)

普通話 (足本收聽)

【明報專訊】ZHANG DEJIANG, the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress who oversees Hong Kong affairs, gave his speech at the forum commemorating the 20th Anniversary of the HKSAR's Implementation of the Basic Law in Beijing. He reiterated that the central government had plenary powers over Hong Kong, adding that the relationship between the central government and the HKSAR government was such that the former granted the latter the authority to administer Hong Kong. Practically speaking, though the central government has stressed that the relationship between itself and Hong Kong is such that the latter is subordinate to the former, it has failed to make reasonable adjustments to Hong Kong political system accordingly. If this remains the case, there will not be any improvements in the governance of Hong Kong even if the central government adopts a high profile.

ENG audio 1

In 2007 — Hong Kong's 10th anniversary of the handover — Wu Bangguo, the then Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, highlighted the authority of the central government when discussing the power structure between the central government and Hong Kong. "Hong Kong has as much authority as granted by the central government", he said. Recently Zhang Dejiang proposed the theory of "the grantor and grantee", saying that some people in Hong Kong were advancing their "inherent power", "autonomy" and even "self-determination" and "Hong Kong's independence" and were trying to deny the central government's authority over Hong Kong and separate Hong Kong from China. It can be seen that the central government's comments on the power structure between itself and Hong Kong made recently were different in nature from those made ten years ago. Zhang's analysis reveals the growing complexity and escalating tension.

ENG audio 2

It deserves attention that while the central government has repeatedly emphasised its role in Hong Kong affairs and its supreme position, such a view has not been universally accepted over the past ten years. This is particularly the case with the younger generation, who not only disagree with the view but also are resistant to it. The pan-democratic camp's political influence has not weakened either.

ENG audio 3

Take Zhang's comments about Hong Kong's political system as an example. He has made it clear that there is not "a separation of three powers", nor is Hong Kong's system a "legislative-led" or "judiciary-led" one. Instead, Hong Kong's political system is one led by the executive branch with the Chief Executive as the core. Twenty years after Hong Kong's handover, Hong Kong has exhausted itself in internal conflicts, which has been a drag on its development. All this is attributable to the fundamental defects in the political system. The executive does not enjoy strong support in the Legislative Council, so much so that the executive-led system exists in name only. The legislature has limited power and is unable to play a leading role in Hong Kong's governance. The executive, on the other hand, is hamstrung by the Legislative Council whenever it tries to govern. This is the actual situation Hong Kong is faced with.

ENG audio 4

"One country, two systems" is itself a self-contradictory combination. In order to maintain its harmony, there must be clear boundaries between the "one country" and "two systems" parts that must never be overstepped. If too much stress is placed on "one country", this will suppress the space for "two systems". If the "two systems" is pursued without giving proper regard to its limits, that will threaten the authority of "one country" and provoke a backlash. Objectively speaking, the central government's repeated emphasis on its leading position is targeted at the separatist ideology. However, while the central government tries to clear up matters, it has to make sure that its actions will not lead to any after-effects that Hong Kong finds insufferable. Many people have previously said that "Hong Kong's independence" will only lead us to a blind alley, and that it will make the central government tighten its policies towards and grip on Hong Kong. This, unfortunately, has turned out to be true, as can be seen from the way things are developing. Hong Kong as a whole is paying the price for a handful of people's illusions. We can only hope that the central government will approach the issue with circumspection so that the fight against the independence movement will not plunge Hong Kong into an abyss.

ENG audio 5

中央強調全面管治 香港情勢未見好轉

主管香港事務的全國人大委員長張德江出席在北京召開紀念香港特別行政區《基本法》實施20周年座談會發表講話,重申中央對港的全面管治權,並再次提到中央與香港的權力關係是授權與被授權的關係。從實踐看來,中央僅強調對香港的領導和從屬關係,卻對香港的政治體制不作相應合理調整,即使中央拉高姿態,就改善香港管治也於事無補。

PTH audio 1

中央強調全面管治 香港情勢未見好轉

2007年,香港回歸10周年,時任全國人大委員長吳邦國於中央與香港特區權力關係,提出以中央為主,「中央給多少、香港就有多少(權力)」的說法。近日張德江提出「授權與被授權論」,指出在港有人「鼓吹『固有權力』、『自主權力』,甚至宣揚什麼『本土自決』、『香港獨立』」,否認中央對香港的管治權,要把香港從國家中分裂出去。可見10年前後,雖然中央都提到與香港的權力關係,惟性質已經不同,張德江的論述,顯示當前情勢更複雜而嚴峻。

PTH audio 2

值得注意的是,中央須一再強調對港角色的舉措,折射中央角色對港管治的凌駕地位,過去10年在社會上並未獲得廣泛認同;特別是較年輕一代港人,除了不認同,更衍生抗拒,而泛民陣營政治能量則未見弱化。

PTH audio 3

以張德江提到的香港政治體制為例,他明確表示不是「三權分立」、也不是「立法主導」或「司法主導」,而是以行政長官為核心的行政主導。回歸20年,香港內耗空轉,蹉跎了發展,原因在於政治體制有根本缺陷,行政機關在立法會沒有確切有力支持,使行政主導徒具形式。實際情况是議會權力受限制,不能主導施政,行政機關則受制於立法會,施政處處受掣肘。這是香港管治現狀。

PTH audio 4

一國兩制是矛盾組合,需要一國與兩制嚴守分際,才會相安無事,若強調「一國」,客觀上會壓縮「兩制」空間;若「兩制」罔顧權限,對「一國」權威構成衝擊,也會遭到反彈。平情而論,近年中央一再重申國家的主導地位,是為了應對分離思潮,惟中央須注意正本清源的同時,會否衍生使香港難以承受的後遺症,需要設法避免。許多人早說過「港獨」沒有出路,並認為中央會收緊政策,加強對港管控,就事態發展看來,這個擔心不幸言中,香港整體正在為少數人的妄想而付出代價。香港情勢只能期望中央知所行止,不致為應對「港獨」而使香港跌落深淵。

PTH audio 5

明報社評2017.05.30

Presented by lecturers of Hong Kong Community College, PolyU and The Hong Kong Polytechnic University

Ms LAI, Wience Wing-sze

Lecturer

www.hkcc-polyu.edu.hk/staff_directory/language_communication/LAI,_Wience_Wing-sze-112.html

李向昇

講師

www.hkcc-polyu.edu.hk/staff_directory/language_communication/LEE,_Heung-sing-358.html

【Bilingual Editorial】